Following independence from France in 1956, Moroccan women were at the forefront of knowledge production and artistic expression—all of which nuanced the conception and perception of a post-colonial Moroccan identity. Fatima Mernissi, for example, emerged as a critical figure in the knowledge production on gender studies in Morocco. Laila Lalami has also become a popular figure in literature on Morocco, being the first Moroccan author to publish a book of fiction in English. Other Moroccan women who gained prominence through their published work include Leila Abouzeid, Latifa Baka, Khnata Bennouna, Farida Diorui, and Bahaa Trabelsi.
Moroccan women artists also gained regional and international popularity, including Lalla Essaydi, Samira Said, Amel Bent, Najat Aatabou, Dounia Batma, and Naima Samih, among others.
In addition to art and literature, Moroccan women have been publicly present in shaping contemporary politics. In 1961, the Union Progresiste des Femmes Marocaines emerged as one of the first exclusively female organizations in Morocco. Princess Lalla Aicha, the late sister of the late King Hassan II was the president of another woman's organization called the Union Nationale des Femmes Marocaines. Various other woman's organizations in Morocco were created after independence with the aim of advancing the cause of women’s rights, such as the Democratic Association of Moroccan Women and the Union de l’Action Feminine.
Various Moroccan women have held positions in the ruling government, cabinet, and high ranks in political parties, including Asma Chaabi, Nawal El Moutawakel, Bassima Hakkaoui, Nouzha Skalli, and Mbarka Bouaida, among others. Contrarily, Moroccan women have also been in the forefront of dissent and the opposition, who oftentimes faced jail and harassment from the Moroccan government. Among those are Nadia Yassine and Khadija Riyadi. During the beginning of Morocco’s version of the Arab Uprisings that began in December 2010 following the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit vendor, Mohammed Bouazizi, a single Moroccan mother, Fadoua Laroui, set herself on fire in front of a municipal office in protest of her public housing application getting rejected. Laroui has been dubbed by some as the “Moroccan female Bouazizi.”
Bassima Hakkaoui, Moroccan Minister for Solidarity, Women, Family and Social Development at the G8 Deauville Partnership: Women in Business Conference in London.
Bassima Hakkaoui, Moroccan Minister for Solidarity, Women, Family and Social Development at the G8 Deauville Partnership: Women in Business Conference in London.
Despite the fact that Morocco ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the political representation of women in Morocco remains relatively low. Following the November 2011 elections, only one woman was appointed minister. Like other neighboring countries, Morocco introduced Law n° 59-11 in 2011, which created a quota system that allocated one-third of the seats in the Lower House of Parliament to women.As a result, 66 of the 395 seats in the Lower House of Parliament belong to women as of the November 2011 elections.
Due to this increased political voice, women’s representation in parliament has increased dramatically, from 1% in 2003 to 17% in 2015; Morocco’s 2004 Family Code is one of the most progressive in the Arab world; in 1993, Morocco ratified an international agreement on gender equality that has provided leverage for further progress in domestic legislation.
Following the increase in representation, Morocco has seen improvements in women's health and social outcomes: the fertility rate is now one of the lowest in the region; the maternal mortality rate fell by two-thirds in just two decades; girls’ primary school enrolment rose from 52% in 1991 to 112% in 2012 (due to re-enrolment); and just under 23% of women are in formal employment (2011).
Outside the realm of formal politics, Moroccan women have been active in various advocacy projects and legal reforms. Most notably, following the suicide of Amina Filali, a young girl who was forced to marry her rapist, various Moroccan woman organizations, such as Union de l'Action Feminine, pushed for the reform of Article 475 from Morocco's penal code. Prior to the national campaign, Article 475 was the law cited by the judge in Amina Filali's case that stated a rapist may be acquitted of charges if he marries his victim.The campaign led to the repeal of Article 475 on January 2014.
Moroccan women have also been active in lobbying for reforms to the personal status code laws (Mudawana). The Mudawana was initially codified following Morocco's independence from France and was used as a tool for the state's immediate consolidation of power. Following Mohammed VI's accession to the throne in 1999, reforming the Mudawana was a major platform that guided the early years of his reign. Various women's organizations supported these measures, such as l’Union de l’Action Féminine (UAF) and Association Marocaine pour les Droits des Femmes (ADFM). In 2004, some of the reforms included stricter measures for men wanting to marry additional wives, greater leniency for a divorce initiated by the wife, more equitable inheritance rights for women, and the increase in the legal age of marriage for women. The reception of these reforms to the Mudawana varied across class lines and the political spectrum. While members of the aforementioned UAF and ADFM championed these measures, various groups, such as the Islamist Al Adl Wa Al Ihsanne opposed these measures, claiming the reforms were "Western-inspired" and rooted in the neoliberal feminist measures of the World Bank.
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